By Gereon Müller
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Additional resources for A-bar Syntax: A Study in Movement Types
Of course, as noted before, the prohibition against intermediate IPadjunction in the course of ω/ìrmovement follows straightforwardly from the PUB. As a case in point, consider a derivation of the ungrammatical example (25-a) via intermediate IP-adjunction, as depicted in (37). (37) *Who¿ do you think [Cp t " that [iP t· [iP t» left early ]]]? LAJ| a a Here, the initial trace t¿ in Specl is simultaneously α-bound by its chain antecedent who (and by the intermediate trace t") from a SpecC position, and /3-bound by the intermediate trace t\ in IP-adjoined position.
X ... [ZP SpecZ [ z . Ζ Y P ]] ... Whether Z P is a barrier by lack of selection or not solely depends on external factors, such as the (structural or lexical) relationship of X and Z P (where X is the "closest" head), and has nothing to do with the internal structure of ZP. On the other hand, given a pure concept of minimality barriers, whether Z P is a minimality barrier for a certain ZP-internal item or not solely depends on the internal structure of ZP, and has nothing to do with external factors like the relationship between X and ZP.
I abstractly incorporates into C, which goes hand in hand with S-structural co-indexing). On the other hand, it is argued in Müller (1989; 1991) that assuming IP to be a potential barrier paves the way for a comparatively simple explanation of complementizer-trace effects (cf. Perlmutter (1971) and Chomsky & Lasnik (1977)) in a number of languages. Consider the well-known contrast between (25-a) and (25-b) in English. (25) a. *Whoj do you think [ C p t- that [iP t¿ left early ]] ? b. Who, do you think [cp t- - [ip t¿ left early ]] ?
A-bar Syntax: A Study in Movement Types by Gereon Müller